Imhotep
Member
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Today I would like to make a supplementary comment on the excellent contribution by HP Hooded Cobra 666 regarding "National Socialism".
I apologize in advance for the length of my statement, but the essence of National Socialism cannot be dealt with in a few words, and certainly not exhaustively.
In order to understand the essence of National Socialism, one must first of all know that National Socialism did not emerge as an idea or as a program at the "green table", but organically from the hardship and misery of the German people. In the words of Karl Zimmermann: "The birth of National Socialism did not take place in the study of a scholar or in a scientific debating club, but in the soul of a man (Adolf Hitler) who saw all around him the fall of an entire time and world and was in danger of being destroyed with his people by the ruins of this fall".1
So no clever minds came up with a program, as is so often the case with party programs, and then christened it "National Socialism".
According to Goebbels, we would therefore be making "a grave mistake if we were to place the National Socialist movement on the same level as the bourgeois and Marxist parties used to be. From its earliest beginnings, National Socialism had set itself the goal of destroying all other parties and removing the people from their encrusted influences".2
Rather, National Socialism was a popular movement, a "revolution from below", so to speak, led by its creator Adolf Hitler, which is why it was born out of necessity and grew organically as the will to survive of an entire people.
National Socialism was therefore a historical phenomenon that has no equivalent in today's so-called self-proclaimed national socialist movements of modern times. None of them arose out of necessity and therefore cannot claim authenticity. Moreover, historical National Socialism is "idealistically oriented, but - and this distinguishes it from all idealist movements of other kinds - on a biological basis. It strives for the highest ideal goal that human beings are capable of setting for themselves: the highest development of life".3
In the National Socialist revolution from below, a world view has thus also made a breakthrough! A world view, i.e. a certain way of looking at the world since then. The hardship and the response to it actually began with the outbreak of the First World War.
Nine million German men went through, according to Goebbels, "the most terrible physical and mental torments; they went through all the hells and purgatories of human suffering, human pain and human renunciation and depression. It was impossible for them to start again where they had left off four years ago. No - these people brought a new way of thinking with them from the trenches. They had experienced a new kind of community in the terrible hardships and dangers that they could never have had in happiness. They had come to know the sovereign egalitarianism of death and experienced that in the end only the values of character remained. Outside, property, education or an aristocratic name did not matter; no difference guided the bullets in their course, which mowed down high and low, rich and poor, big and small in an eternal egalitarianism. There was only one difference between the people: their personal worth ... Nevertheless, one experienced that these people stood up for an ideal that they did not know at all in its broad outlines".2
This described hardship and its twist led to the signing of the Versailles Dictate, the Versailles Tribute Treaty, which was also referred to as the "Treaty of Shame", in which Germany was held solely responsible. The opposing side, mainly Jews, had thus "invented a peace treaty for Germany after the end of the war, which, with ingenious refinement, amounted to destroying the nation of the Germans and removing it from the list of world powers for good".2
The hardship and subsequent humiliation caused by the Versailles Tribute Treaty welded the Germans together into a national community against their worst enemy, the Jews.
From a philosophical point of view, individualistic thinking was replaced by universalistic, community-conscious thinking. Otto Dietrich comments: "Individualistic thinking is based on the assumption that man is an individual being, which is taken for granted. This assumption ... is wrong and is based on a fatal error in thinking. We encounter man in the world not as an individual being, but as a member of a community. In all his actions, man is a collective being ... Man is conceptually defined by the fact that he lives in community with others ... The actual conditions that we find in the world are not individual beings, but races, peoples, nations. Man as an individual may be the object of research in the natural sciences. He is only an object of knowledge in the humanities as a member of a community in which his life becomes real and takes a practical course ... Individualistic thinking must be replaced by universalistic, community-conscious thinking, and the mechanical world view must be replaced by the universalistic - or, if you like, the organic - world view".4
Whereby "universalism here represents the conceptual contrast to individualism, a concept that becomes reality not in 'society' but in the community".5
Kant's moral law is virtually the classic formulation of National Socialist ethics: "Act in such a way that the maxim of your will can at all times be regarded as the principle of general legislation".6
The National Socialist world view and National Socialist thinking can also be found in the short poem by the idealist philosopher Johann Gottlieb Fichte: "And act as if the fate of German affairs depended on you and your actions alone, and the responsibility were yours!"
Fichte's principle was: "I do not merely like to think, I want to act" and was thus the "spirit of the National Socialist spirit".7
"According to Dietrich, "philology has the task of educating young people to community consciousness, to community thinking".8
But this is "the national community of all honestly creative Germans".9
According to Goebbels, the National Socialist can therefore not only be "social" or only "national", "because it is something fundamentally different whether I am "social" or "socialist", whether we are "national" or "nationalist". The term "national" is usually accompanied by the word "also" - and that is the decisive factor. This is where two worlds separate. For the National Socialist, however, what the other emphasizes as a characteristic of his "national" attitude is completely meaningless. For him, it is not outward appearances that count, but he has dedicated himself to his people with flesh and blood, body and soul. The same applies to the concept of socialism. "I am social!" This is usually said by a bank director, syndic, factory owner or civil servant in a high position. They want to set up hospitals and reformatories to help the poor; they admit that things can't go on like this and that something has to be changed. The socialist is above that. He is of the opinion: "We must all become one people so that the nation can pass its test".2
In his little "ABC of the National Socialist" you can read: "The truly national person thinks socialist, and the true socialist is a nationalist! I am a nationalist when I have the will and use all my strength to ensure that my people and my fatherland are free, healthy and strong! I think socialist when I recognize the natural rights of the oppressed part of my fellow citizens to freedom and bread as rights to be fought for and safeguarded and not as gifts given voluntarily or even involuntarily!".9
That is why, according to Goebbels, the first commandment of a National Socialist is: "Love Germany above all else and your fellow nationals as yourself!"10
Because: the common good comes before self-interest.
Point 4 of the National Socialist program says of the national comrade: "Only those who are national comrade (Volksgenosse) can be citizens. Only those who are of German blood can be national comrade (Volksgenosse), regardless of denomination. No Jew can therefore be a national comrade".1
Points 5 and 8 represent a further logical consequence: "Anyone who is not a citizen should only be able to live in Germany as a guest and must be subject to foreign legislation". "Any further immigration of non-Germans must be prevented. We demand that all non-Germans who have immigrated to Germany since August 2, 1914, be forced to leave the Reich immediately". With regard to point 8, it should be noted that the overpopulation of Germany after the end of the World War was caused by the political and economic pressure of the Treaty of Versailles and was made even more unbearable by the immigration of parasitic Eastern Jews".11
Dietrich also sees a relationship between Italian fascism and the National Socialist mindset. However, if National Socialism replaces individualism with universalist thinking and thus with communal thinking, Guido Bortolotto's fascist Italian doctrine of the state "rejects individualism without, however, adopting the universalist principle, but instead seeks to establish a third principle between the two, which is specifically fascist and exclusively fascist in character, the corporate principle, corporativism.
"The difference for us," says Bortolotto, "is that in individualism the individual rules over the whole, in universalism the whole rules over the individual. In between, however, there is corporatism, in which the individual and the whole exist in harmony with each other".1 It is the "attempt to affirm the community, but to save the individual from being absorbed into the community".12
But National Socialism responds to this: "Universalist thinking places the community as the highest principle, just as National Socialism does not regard the "individual" or "humanity", but the people as the only real organically grown whole. Since the individual only exists through the community, he can only derive his personal freedom through and from the community. In accordance with this, the National Socialist world view not only recognizes the freedom of personality, but even demands it. It demands it for the sake of the community, i.e. in the interest of the community and its ever more perfect organization.
Developing the creative powers and creative values of the personality within the community and bringing them to bear for the community is the defining characteristic of the National Socialist idea. Individual freedom is not something that is given to man by nature. What is given to him by nature is a sense of community, a sense of duty to the community. The linguistic sense therefore refers to such a person, who renounces his community duties, as an "individual".13
In other words: "Every person is unique, but not an individual being. As a unique being he is a personality, but as a "non-individual being" he is a member of the people.
Natural freedom is the freedom of personality, i.e. "of the person who creates for the community. This is the only true concept of freedom as taught by Aristotle, who only recognized freedom for the creative human being. But one can only be creative for a community. Only those who are aware of their duties to the community and act in accordance with them can be creative. And that is why the concept of freedom presupposes a bond with the community. Those who have this sense of community and recognize their moral obligations are free and feel free, because their free actions can never be directed against the rules of the community, but are in harmony with it. However, this harmony of one's own personal will with one's duties towards the community cannot be forcibly and artificially created by a constructive, corporate system, as happens in Italian corporativism, but this harmony will arise a priori from the fact of community, if the community consciousness is cultivated and kept alive within it. Those who do not have this sense of responsibility towards the community and do not recognize their moral obligations, on the other hand, place themselves outside the community. What he calls individual freedom is not freedom, but licentiousness".14
An idealism, however, can never be "meaningful if its striving is directed towards the general ideal of humanity. Humanity per se is an insubstantial schema, a concept floating in the air or, to use the language of philosophy, a purely rationalistic idea. There is no such thing as humanity as such, just as there is no such thing as lionhood, doghood or the like. There is only one humanity in the sense a sum of races and peoples into which nature and history have again transformed the races as higher forms of organization".15
And Italian Fascism differs from German National Socialism in another important respect, namely "the absence of the fundamental idea of race". Italian Fascism does not recognize the Jewish question, indeed it does not recognize the racial question at all ... Undoubtedly because the financial influence of Jewry in Italy was far less than in the much more industrialized and highly capitalistic Germany, because furthermore Jewry, with its predominantly Oriental and Near Eastern blood, was not so alien to the Italian turn as it is to Germanism, and then because racial species consciousness was not able to assert itself sufficiently in a people as strongly mixed-race as the Italian ... All in all, National Socialism therefore means far more than Fascism. It means a new conception of state and culture and a new way of life on the basis of a new world view rooted in the best dispositions of our blood and, beyond that, the conscious will for the highest and purest development of our national forces".16
"In the National Socialist world view, the German soul has found its way back to itself. In the personality of the Führer, however, the ideological and artistic elements of this German essence combine to form a perfect unity, what we call the mystery of creativity".17
According to Dietrich, Adolf Hitler "not only possessed the infinitely valuable ability to see the essential in things, but also to a high degree the instinct and intuition for bold, timely action. Here in our guide, Plato's glorious words have taken on a living form: "From the gods a gift to the human race, I cherish the gift of seeing the One in many things".18
As far as the religious question is concerned, National Socialism was originally "by its very nature far removed from the religious question; it allows the churches room for free religious activity without entering this field itself. Just as it has removed denominational influences from political life and will continue to do so with determination in the future, it also refuses to allow politics to interfere in religious matters. Anyone who violates this principle is violating the principles of National Socialism".19
However, in the course of National Socialism's existence, more and more voices were raised, especially by clergymen, who not only turned their backs on Christianity themselves, but also exposed it as Jewish. The then famous Catholic theologian Franz Griese, for example, "completely rejected the Christian doctrine in its original form, as well as in the form modified by the Church, as a foreign Jewish doctrine".20
For the "whole of Christianity is built on a tremendous deception".21
Only the "biblical Jesus Christ exists, nothing is known of a historical one".21
According to Griese, Christianity represents a "betrayal of the people because of Jewish deceptions and Roman forgeries".21
This Jewish invented Christianity was "once forced on our ancestors with fire and sword" and is therefore "nothing more than a continuation of the Jewish religion" and, like it, is "completely in error".22
But as far as the Jew is concerned, Goebbels put it in the wonderful words: "Certainly the Jew is also a human being. None of us has ever doubted that. But the flea is also an animal - just not a pleasant one. And since the flea is not a pleasant animal, we do not have a duty to ourselves and our conscience to guard and protect it, to allow it to thrive so that it stings and torments us, but to render it harmless. The same with the Jew. Certainly there are also white Jews. And there are more and more of them every day. But that is not proof for, but against the Jew. The very fact that the rags among us are called white "Jews" is proof that "being a Jew" means something inferior; otherwise we would call fraudulent Jews "yellow Christians". The fact that there are so many white Jews is proof that the Jewish-corrosive spirit has already contaminated large sections of our people. One more reminder for us to take up the fight against the Jewish world plague across the board".23
But if the German "wants to be free, he has to sacrifice for it. No one will make him free, he must do it himself. Since freedom is the highest, he must sacrifice his last and highest for it: his life".24
"We no longer believe in the scam of parliament and political parties. After all, this is just a big business community for exploiting the power and labor of the German people. The Jew is behind it all and sets his chess pieces, lets people speak, vote, pay salaries - and he rules. If they want something from us, then we are the free, sovereign people who express their will through their self-elected representatives; if we demand something from parliament, then we are the rabble. The whole thing is called democracy".25
"We want to free Germany, nothing more. If the German people do not agree to be freed, then we don't give a damn about this agreement. A large part of the German people has already become so materialistic and so cowardly that it can only be made happy against its will and by force".26
"We want to call on the people to get rid of their tormentors, to break the chains in which the Jew has put us. Beyond the great death of a people, only struggle leads to true peace. It is not justice that is the eternal principle of nature, but strength. That is why we want to steel our people so that they can withstand the battle on this earth".27
That is why Joseph Goebbels asked the important question in his little "ABC of the National Socialist": "Why is the NSDAP anti-Jewish?" and answered: "Because the Jew is a corrosive foreign body in the German people, because he poisons the German people's morality with his lying "cultural institutes", because he tears down instead of building up, because he is the father of the idea of class struggle (see: lying Marxism! ), through which he tears the German people in two in order to be able to dominate it all the more brutally, because he is the creator and bearer of international stock market capitalism, the main enemy of German freedom".28
Hitler recognized this corrosive danger, which emanated from the Jews and sought to infiltrate bourgeois circles, in the years when he was in Vienna.29
However, Hitler saw the main danger in Marxism. "The Jew Karl Marx had invented the ingenious theory that the social question could only be solved by a new economic order, by a collectively planned economy with nationalized means of production, and that the only way to achieve this was through increased industrialism and, as a consequence, high capitalism and, on the part of the wage labourers, through class struggle".29
"The dictatorship of the proletariat, however, made it possible to establish direct Jewish rule. This presupposed the elimination of a species-appropriate ruling class, and this, in turn, was only possible by either making it dissolve itself or by eliminating it with brutal force. The former path was initially the less dangerous. All that was needed was to dominate the customs, art, literature, theater and press and, with the help of this domination, to develop that liberalistic attitude of mind which increased the general need for pleasure and prevented the self-destruction of the species-appropriate ruling class of the host people through abortion and contraception. This path was taken in Western and Central Europe and America, where the Germanic racial power was still strongest and most resistant. In Eastern Europe, on the other hand, the straight path was taken by murdering and destroying a highly racialized ruling class in the most brutal way in alliance with incited lower-race masses".30
At a later point, Goebbels logically posed the question: "Who is the main enemy of this cultural renewal of Germany? "31 and answered: "Jewry, which systematically poisons the German spirit by filling cultural institutions, such as the press, theater, science, literature, with a lying spirit".31
"And how does the NSDAP intend to bring down this bitter enemy? By demanding the elimination of the Jew from all German cultural institutions. The Jew cannot and must not be the bearer of German education and the German spirit".31
Unfortunately, this is once again the case in Germany today. All important, higher positions in all cultural areas are occupied by these parasitic existences.
As I said, National Socialism itself was an idea that grew organically out of necessity. It arose from a threat to German life "in its highest culmination, that is, in the Greater German nation, a threat that announced itself in the collapse of all the essential expressions of its existence, culture, politics, economy and state, and then the gift of grace from a divine providence that sent a genius and hero who summarized all the decisive individual insights of the laws of life from this collapse, and then gave a unified direction to the will of like-minded and like-thinking people in a great popular movement, and now set about transferring this direction to the entire nation".32
It was never the intention to allow this National Socialism to exist forever. Rather, with the achievement of freedom for the German people, the National Socialist dictatorship was to be replaced. By what? Goebbels replied: "By a professional parliament, to be elected by the entire creative German people, stratified not by party groups but by professions. "33
It should also be noted that the intellectual forerunners and spiritual fathers of National Socialism were in particular Richard Wagner, Count Gobineau, Houston Stewart Chamberlain and Gottfried Feder.
Richard Wagner recognized "Judaism from experience and from the instinct of the great popular soul as the antagonist of German art and launched a gigantic battle against it".34
He was seconded by the Norman count and French diplomat Gobineau. He grasped "with great intuition the history and fate of Western culture as a struggle between the Aryan, i.e. Nordic, race and the darker Mediterranean races and, above all, international Jewry, a selection of parasitic elements of predominantly Near Eastern and Oriental origin".35
"In his Fundamentals of the 19th Century, Houston Stewart Chamberlain, the great German by choice and herald of Richard Wagner, points to the Jewish race and the Jewish spirit as the corrosive element in the recent development of Western culture and the danger of the replacement of ethnic culture by international, race-destroying civilization, which exhausts itself in technology and science".36
"In terms of economic policy, Gottfried Feder exerted the greatest influence on Hitler when, in 1919, he made him realize in training courses for members of the Armed Forces (Wehrmacht) the economic world power of Jewry, which it had established via creative labor with the help of interest bondage for a loan and stock market capital controlled by it".37
When the victory march of the National Socialist movement, i.e. the "Hitler coup (Putsch)", also known as the Hitler-Ludendorff coup (Putsch) or the March on the Feldherrnhalle, "collapsed under the machine-gun fire of a treacherous reaction at the Feldherrnhalle in Munich" on November 8 and 9, 1923, the "fate of the German people ... seemed to end with the Führer's imprisonment at Landsberg Fortress and his elimination from German political life. However, salvation gradually grew out of the adversity. The imprisonment did not break the Führer's strength, nor did it destroy new possibilities for rebuilding the movement. Indeed, it was to be revitalized at unspeakable sacrifice thanks to a particular benefit of the two-year imprisonment. Hitler wrote the basis, one might almost say the bible of National Socialism, "Mein Kampf" in Landsberg".38
Finally, the name of Alfred Rosenberg, the later leading ideologue of the NSDAP, should not be missing from the overview of the "intellectual pioneers" of National Socialism. "There is no doubt that, after Adolf Hitler, he proved to be the most universal and most profound thinker with regard to the programmatic side of the movement. Alfred Rosenberg has the most astonishing specialized knowledge of Judaism, its forces and its work in world politics and the world economy and in the cultural field. His "Myth of the 20th Century" has ... become a standard work of National Socialist cultural and state philosophy".39
Rosenberg, whose name may seem Jewish, but who, genealogically speaking, was a non-Jew through and through, also uncovered the Jewish-Masonic world conspiracy.
"A formal uprising of the Jews, political ultramontanism, Marxists, Freemasons, liberalists and Protestant orthodoxy against Rosenberg's profound work was almost inevitable given his political and public position".40
Sources:
1 Karl Zimmermann, Die geistigen Grundlagen des Nationalsozialismus, Verlag von Quelle und Meyer, Leipzig 1933, S. 5-6
2 Joseph Goebbels, Wesen und Gestalt des Nationalsozialismus; in: Paul Meier-Benneckstein (Hrsg.), Schriften der Deutschen Hochschule für Politik, Heft 8, Berlin 1934
3 Karl Zimmermann, Die geistigen Grundlagen des Nationalsozialismus, Verlag von Quelle und Meyer, Leipzig 1933, S. 26
4 Otto Dietrich, Die philosophischen Grundlagen Nationalsozialismus. Ein Ruf zu den Waffen deutschen Geistes, Ferdinand Hirt, Breslau 1935, S. 16-17
5 Otto Dietrich, Die philosophischen Grundlagen Nationalsozialismus. Ein Ruf zu den Waffen deutschen Geistes, Ferdinand Hirt, Breslau 1935, S. 17
6 Otto Dietrich, Die philosophischen Grundlagen Nationalsozialismus. Ein Ruf zu den Waffen deutschen Geistes, Ferdinand Hirt, Breslau 1935, S. 23
7 Otto Dietrich, Die philosophischen Grundlagen Nationalsozialismus. Ein Ruf zu den Waffen deutschen Geistes, Ferdinand Hirt, Breslau 1935, S. 24
8 Otto Dietrich, Die philosophischen Grundlagen Nationalsozialismus. Ein Ruf zu den Waffen deutschen Geistes, Ferdinand Hirt, Breslau 1935, S. 25
9 Joseph Goebbels, Das kleine ABC des Nationalsozialisten; in: Der Angriff, Verlag der Nationalsozialistischen Briefe (56.-65. Tausend), Gebrüder Uphoff, Elberfeld 1925, S. 4
See also: The little ABC of National Socialists. An English translation.
10 Joseph Goebbels, Das kleine ABC des Nationalsozialisten; in: Der Angriff, Verlag der Nationalsozialistischen Briefe (56.-65. Tausend), Gebrüder Uphoff, Elberfeld 1925, S. 3
See also: The little ABC of National Socialists. An English translation.
11 Karl Zimmermann, Die geistigen Grundlagen des Nationalsozialismus, Verlag von Quelle und Meyer, Leipzig 1933, S. 33-34
12 Otto Dietrich, Die philosophischen Grundlagen Nationalsozialismus. Ein Ruf zu den Waffen deutschen Geistes, Ferdinand Hirt, Breslau 1935, S. 28
13 Otto Dietrich, Die philosophischen Grundlagen Nationalsozialismus. Ein Ruf zu den Waffen deutschen Geistes, Ferdinand Hirt, Breslau 1935, S. 29
14 Otto Dietrich, Die philosophischen Grundlagen Nationalsozialismus. Ein Ruf zu den Waffen deutschen Geistes, Ferdinand Hirt, Breslau 1935, S. 30
15 Karl Zimmermann, Die geistigen Grundlagen des Nationalsozialismus, Verlag von Quelle und Meyer, Leipzig 1933, S. 26
16 Karl Zimmermann, Die geistigen Grundlagen des Nationalsozialismus, Verlag von Quelle und Meyer, Leipzig 1933, S. 20-21
17 Otto Dietrich, Die philosophischen Grundlagen Nationalsozialismus. Ein Ruf zu den Waffen deutschen Geistes, Ferdinand Hirt, Breslau 1935, S. 36
18 Otto Dietrich, Die philosophischen Grundlagen Nationalsozialismus. Ein Ruf zu den Waffen deutschen Geistes, Ferdinand Hirt, Breslau 1935, S. 37
19 Otto Dietrich, Die philosophischen Grundlagen Nationalsozialismus. Ein Ruf zu den Waffen deutschen Geistes, Ferdinand Hirt, Breslau 1935, S. 37-38
20 Franz Griese, Der große Irrtum des Christentums. Erwiesen durch einen Priester, Ludendorffs Verlag GmbH, München 1937, S. 4
21 Franz Griese, Der große Irrtum des Christentums. Erwiesen durch einen Priester, Ludendorffs Verlag GmbH, München 1937, S. 5
22 Franz Griese, Der große Irrtum des Christentums. Erwiesen durch einen Priester, Ludendorffs Verlag GmbH, München 1937, S. 10
23 Josef Goebbels, Der Nazi-Sozi, Fragen und Antworten für den Nationalsozialisten, Verlag der nationalsozialistischen Briefe (11.-20. Tausend), Gebrüder Uphoff, Elberfeld 1932, S. 7
24 Josef Goebbels, Der Nazi-Sozi, Fragen und Antworten für den Nationalsozialisten, Verlag der nationalsozialistischen Briefe (11.-20. Tausend), Gebrüder Uphoff, Elberfeld 1932, S. 9
25 Josef Goebbels, Der Nazi-Sozi, Fragen und Antworten für den Nationalsozialisten, Verlag der nationalsozialistischen Briefe (11.-20. Tausend), Gebrüder Uphoff, Elberfeld 1932, S. 16
26 Josef Goebbels, Der Nazi-Sozi, Fragen und Antworten für den Nationalsozialisten, Verlag der nationalsozialistischen Briefe (11.-20. Tausend), Gebrüder Uphoff, Elberfeld 1932, S. 17
27 Josef Goebbels, Der Nazi-Sozi, Fragen und Antworten für den Nationalsozialisten, Verlag der nationalsozialistischen Briefe (11.-20. Tausend), Gebrüder Uphoff, Elberfeld 1932, S. 21
28 Joseph Goebbels, Das kleine ABC des Nationalsozialisten; in: Der Angriff, Verlag der Nationalsozialistischen Briefe (56.-65. Tausend), Gebrüder Uphoff, Elberfeld 1925, S. 6
See also: The little ABC of National Socialists. An English translation.
29 Karl Zimmermann, Die geistigen Grundlagen des Nationalsozialismus, Verlag von Quelle und Meyer, Leipzig 1933, S. 8
30 Karl Zimmermann, Die geistigen Grundlagen des Nationalsozialismus, Verlag von Quelle und Meyer, Leipzig 1933, S. 9
31 Joseph Goebbels, Das kleine ABC des Nationalsozialisten; in: Der Angriff, Verlag der Nationalsozialistischen Briefe (56.-65. Tausend), Gebrüder Uphoff, Elberfeld 1925, S. 16
See also: The little ABC of National Socialists. An English translation.
32 Karl Zimmermann, Die geistigen Grundlagen des Nationalsozialismus, Verlag von Quelle und Meyer, Leipzig 1933, S. 5
33 Joseph Goebbels, Das kleine ABC des Nationalsozialisten; in: Der Angriff, Verlag der Nationalsozialistischen Briefe (56.-65. Tausend), Gebrüder Uphoff, Elberfeld 1925, S. 9
See also: The little ABC of National Socialists. An English translation.
34 Karl Zimmermann, Die geistigen Grundlagen des Nationalsozialismus, Verlag von Quelle und Meyer, Leipzig 1933, S. 10
35 Karl Zimmermann, Die geistigen Grundlagen des Nationalsozialismus, Verlag von Quelle und Meyer, Leipzig 1933, S. 10
36 Karl Zimmermann, Die geistigen Grundlagen des Nationalsozialismus, Verlag von Quelle und Meyer, Leipzig 1933, S. 11
37 Karl Zimmermann, Die geistigen Grundlagen des Nationalsozialismus, Verlag von Quelle und Meyer, Leipzig 1933, S. 13-14
38 Karl Zimmermann, Die geistigen Grundlagen des Nationalsozialismus, Verlag von Quelle und Meyer, Leipzig 1933, S. 15
39 Karl Zimmermann, Die geistigen Grundlagen des Nationalsozialismus, Verlag von Quelle und Meyer, Leipzig 1933, S. 18
40 Karl Zimmermann, Die geistigen Grundlagen des Nationalsozialismus, Verlag von Quelle und Meyer, Leipzig 1933, S. 19
Conclusion:
Just as the birth of National Socialism arose out of necessity, i.e. through an actual threat, essentially from the Jews, to consecrate an entire people to destruction, as an ideal and led to a community being born like the phoenix from the ashes, to use life and limb to stand up to and fist the Jewish brood, so we too are threatened by the Jew that our spirituality and thus our immortality are to be destroyed. Therefore, as spiritual Satanists, we should once again strive for the ideal of National Socialism and establish a spiritual fighting community against Judaism. May Father Satan and all his infernal demons provide us with all the means for this battle and support us where necessary.
Hail Satan!
Hail Lucifer!
Hail Wotan!
I apologize in advance for the length of my statement, but the essence of National Socialism cannot be dealt with in a few words, and certainly not exhaustively.
In order to understand the essence of National Socialism, one must first of all know that National Socialism did not emerge as an idea or as a program at the "green table", but organically from the hardship and misery of the German people. In the words of Karl Zimmermann: "The birth of National Socialism did not take place in the study of a scholar or in a scientific debating club, but in the soul of a man (Adolf Hitler) who saw all around him the fall of an entire time and world and was in danger of being destroyed with his people by the ruins of this fall".1
So no clever minds came up with a program, as is so often the case with party programs, and then christened it "National Socialism".
According to Goebbels, we would therefore be making "a grave mistake if we were to place the National Socialist movement on the same level as the bourgeois and Marxist parties used to be. From its earliest beginnings, National Socialism had set itself the goal of destroying all other parties and removing the people from their encrusted influences".2
Rather, National Socialism was a popular movement, a "revolution from below", so to speak, led by its creator Adolf Hitler, which is why it was born out of necessity and grew organically as the will to survive of an entire people.
National Socialism was therefore a historical phenomenon that has no equivalent in today's so-called self-proclaimed national socialist movements of modern times. None of them arose out of necessity and therefore cannot claim authenticity. Moreover, historical National Socialism is "idealistically oriented, but - and this distinguishes it from all idealist movements of other kinds - on a biological basis. It strives for the highest ideal goal that human beings are capable of setting for themselves: the highest development of life".3
In the National Socialist revolution from below, a world view has thus also made a breakthrough! A world view, i.e. a certain way of looking at the world since then. The hardship and the response to it actually began with the outbreak of the First World War.
Nine million German men went through, according to Goebbels, "the most terrible physical and mental torments; they went through all the hells and purgatories of human suffering, human pain and human renunciation and depression. It was impossible for them to start again where they had left off four years ago. No - these people brought a new way of thinking with them from the trenches. They had experienced a new kind of community in the terrible hardships and dangers that they could never have had in happiness. They had come to know the sovereign egalitarianism of death and experienced that in the end only the values of character remained. Outside, property, education or an aristocratic name did not matter; no difference guided the bullets in their course, which mowed down high and low, rich and poor, big and small in an eternal egalitarianism. There was only one difference between the people: their personal worth ... Nevertheless, one experienced that these people stood up for an ideal that they did not know at all in its broad outlines".2
This described hardship and its twist led to the signing of the Versailles Dictate, the Versailles Tribute Treaty, which was also referred to as the "Treaty of Shame", in which Germany was held solely responsible. The opposing side, mainly Jews, had thus "invented a peace treaty for Germany after the end of the war, which, with ingenious refinement, amounted to destroying the nation of the Germans and removing it from the list of world powers for good".2
The hardship and subsequent humiliation caused by the Versailles Tribute Treaty welded the Germans together into a national community against their worst enemy, the Jews.
From a philosophical point of view, individualistic thinking was replaced by universalistic, community-conscious thinking. Otto Dietrich comments: "Individualistic thinking is based on the assumption that man is an individual being, which is taken for granted. This assumption ... is wrong and is based on a fatal error in thinking. We encounter man in the world not as an individual being, but as a member of a community. In all his actions, man is a collective being ... Man is conceptually defined by the fact that he lives in community with others ... The actual conditions that we find in the world are not individual beings, but races, peoples, nations. Man as an individual may be the object of research in the natural sciences. He is only an object of knowledge in the humanities as a member of a community in which his life becomes real and takes a practical course ... Individualistic thinking must be replaced by universalistic, community-conscious thinking, and the mechanical world view must be replaced by the universalistic - or, if you like, the organic - world view".4
Whereby "universalism here represents the conceptual contrast to individualism, a concept that becomes reality not in 'society' but in the community".5
Kant's moral law is virtually the classic formulation of National Socialist ethics: "Act in such a way that the maxim of your will can at all times be regarded as the principle of general legislation".6
The National Socialist world view and National Socialist thinking can also be found in the short poem by the idealist philosopher Johann Gottlieb Fichte: "And act as if the fate of German affairs depended on you and your actions alone, and the responsibility were yours!"
Fichte's principle was: "I do not merely like to think, I want to act" and was thus the "spirit of the National Socialist spirit".7
"According to Dietrich, "philology has the task of educating young people to community consciousness, to community thinking".8
But this is "the national community of all honestly creative Germans".9
According to Goebbels, the National Socialist can therefore not only be "social" or only "national", "because it is something fundamentally different whether I am "social" or "socialist", whether we are "national" or "nationalist". The term "national" is usually accompanied by the word "also" - and that is the decisive factor. This is where two worlds separate. For the National Socialist, however, what the other emphasizes as a characteristic of his "national" attitude is completely meaningless. For him, it is not outward appearances that count, but he has dedicated himself to his people with flesh and blood, body and soul. The same applies to the concept of socialism. "I am social!" This is usually said by a bank director, syndic, factory owner or civil servant in a high position. They want to set up hospitals and reformatories to help the poor; they admit that things can't go on like this and that something has to be changed. The socialist is above that. He is of the opinion: "We must all become one people so that the nation can pass its test".2
In his little "ABC of the National Socialist" you can read: "The truly national person thinks socialist, and the true socialist is a nationalist! I am a nationalist when I have the will and use all my strength to ensure that my people and my fatherland are free, healthy and strong! I think socialist when I recognize the natural rights of the oppressed part of my fellow citizens to freedom and bread as rights to be fought for and safeguarded and not as gifts given voluntarily or even involuntarily!".9
That is why, according to Goebbels, the first commandment of a National Socialist is: "Love Germany above all else and your fellow nationals as yourself!"10
Because: the common good comes before self-interest.
Point 4 of the National Socialist program says of the national comrade: "Only those who are national comrade (Volksgenosse) can be citizens. Only those who are of German blood can be national comrade (Volksgenosse), regardless of denomination. No Jew can therefore be a national comrade".1
Points 5 and 8 represent a further logical consequence: "Anyone who is not a citizen should only be able to live in Germany as a guest and must be subject to foreign legislation". "Any further immigration of non-Germans must be prevented. We demand that all non-Germans who have immigrated to Germany since August 2, 1914, be forced to leave the Reich immediately". With regard to point 8, it should be noted that the overpopulation of Germany after the end of the World War was caused by the political and economic pressure of the Treaty of Versailles and was made even more unbearable by the immigration of parasitic Eastern Jews".11
Dietrich also sees a relationship between Italian fascism and the National Socialist mindset. However, if National Socialism replaces individualism with universalist thinking and thus with communal thinking, Guido Bortolotto's fascist Italian doctrine of the state "rejects individualism without, however, adopting the universalist principle, but instead seeks to establish a third principle between the two, which is specifically fascist and exclusively fascist in character, the corporate principle, corporativism.
"The difference for us," says Bortolotto, "is that in individualism the individual rules over the whole, in universalism the whole rules over the individual. In between, however, there is corporatism, in which the individual and the whole exist in harmony with each other".1 It is the "attempt to affirm the community, but to save the individual from being absorbed into the community".12
But National Socialism responds to this: "Universalist thinking places the community as the highest principle, just as National Socialism does not regard the "individual" or "humanity", but the people as the only real organically grown whole. Since the individual only exists through the community, he can only derive his personal freedom through and from the community. In accordance with this, the National Socialist world view not only recognizes the freedom of personality, but even demands it. It demands it for the sake of the community, i.e. in the interest of the community and its ever more perfect organization.
Developing the creative powers and creative values of the personality within the community and bringing them to bear for the community is the defining characteristic of the National Socialist idea. Individual freedom is not something that is given to man by nature. What is given to him by nature is a sense of community, a sense of duty to the community. The linguistic sense therefore refers to such a person, who renounces his community duties, as an "individual".13
In other words: "Every person is unique, but not an individual being. As a unique being he is a personality, but as a "non-individual being" he is a member of the people.
Natural freedom is the freedom of personality, i.e. "of the person who creates for the community. This is the only true concept of freedom as taught by Aristotle, who only recognized freedom for the creative human being. But one can only be creative for a community. Only those who are aware of their duties to the community and act in accordance with them can be creative. And that is why the concept of freedom presupposes a bond with the community. Those who have this sense of community and recognize their moral obligations are free and feel free, because their free actions can never be directed against the rules of the community, but are in harmony with it. However, this harmony of one's own personal will with one's duties towards the community cannot be forcibly and artificially created by a constructive, corporate system, as happens in Italian corporativism, but this harmony will arise a priori from the fact of community, if the community consciousness is cultivated and kept alive within it. Those who do not have this sense of responsibility towards the community and do not recognize their moral obligations, on the other hand, place themselves outside the community. What he calls individual freedom is not freedom, but licentiousness".14
An idealism, however, can never be "meaningful if its striving is directed towards the general ideal of humanity. Humanity per se is an insubstantial schema, a concept floating in the air or, to use the language of philosophy, a purely rationalistic idea. There is no such thing as humanity as such, just as there is no such thing as lionhood, doghood or the like. There is only one humanity in the sense a sum of races and peoples into which nature and history have again transformed the races as higher forms of organization".15
And Italian Fascism differs from German National Socialism in another important respect, namely "the absence of the fundamental idea of race". Italian Fascism does not recognize the Jewish question, indeed it does not recognize the racial question at all ... Undoubtedly because the financial influence of Jewry in Italy was far less than in the much more industrialized and highly capitalistic Germany, because furthermore Jewry, with its predominantly Oriental and Near Eastern blood, was not so alien to the Italian turn as it is to Germanism, and then because racial species consciousness was not able to assert itself sufficiently in a people as strongly mixed-race as the Italian ... All in all, National Socialism therefore means far more than Fascism. It means a new conception of state and culture and a new way of life on the basis of a new world view rooted in the best dispositions of our blood and, beyond that, the conscious will for the highest and purest development of our national forces".16
"In the National Socialist world view, the German soul has found its way back to itself. In the personality of the Führer, however, the ideological and artistic elements of this German essence combine to form a perfect unity, what we call the mystery of creativity".17
According to Dietrich, Adolf Hitler "not only possessed the infinitely valuable ability to see the essential in things, but also to a high degree the instinct and intuition for bold, timely action. Here in our guide, Plato's glorious words have taken on a living form: "From the gods a gift to the human race, I cherish the gift of seeing the One in many things".18
As far as the religious question is concerned, National Socialism was originally "by its very nature far removed from the religious question; it allows the churches room for free religious activity without entering this field itself. Just as it has removed denominational influences from political life and will continue to do so with determination in the future, it also refuses to allow politics to interfere in religious matters. Anyone who violates this principle is violating the principles of National Socialism".19
However, in the course of National Socialism's existence, more and more voices were raised, especially by clergymen, who not only turned their backs on Christianity themselves, but also exposed it as Jewish. The then famous Catholic theologian Franz Griese, for example, "completely rejected the Christian doctrine in its original form, as well as in the form modified by the Church, as a foreign Jewish doctrine".20
For the "whole of Christianity is built on a tremendous deception".21
Only the "biblical Jesus Christ exists, nothing is known of a historical one".21
According to Griese, Christianity represents a "betrayal of the people because of Jewish deceptions and Roman forgeries".21
This Jewish invented Christianity was "once forced on our ancestors with fire and sword" and is therefore "nothing more than a continuation of the Jewish religion" and, like it, is "completely in error".22
But as far as the Jew is concerned, Goebbels put it in the wonderful words: "Certainly the Jew is also a human being. None of us has ever doubted that. But the flea is also an animal - just not a pleasant one. And since the flea is not a pleasant animal, we do not have a duty to ourselves and our conscience to guard and protect it, to allow it to thrive so that it stings and torments us, but to render it harmless. The same with the Jew. Certainly there are also white Jews. And there are more and more of them every day. But that is not proof for, but against the Jew. The very fact that the rags among us are called white "Jews" is proof that "being a Jew" means something inferior; otherwise we would call fraudulent Jews "yellow Christians". The fact that there are so many white Jews is proof that the Jewish-corrosive spirit has already contaminated large sections of our people. One more reminder for us to take up the fight against the Jewish world plague across the board".23
But if the German "wants to be free, he has to sacrifice for it. No one will make him free, he must do it himself. Since freedom is the highest, he must sacrifice his last and highest for it: his life".24
"We no longer believe in the scam of parliament and political parties. After all, this is just a big business community for exploiting the power and labor of the German people. The Jew is behind it all and sets his chess pieces, lets people speak, vote, pay salaries - and he rules. If they want something from us, then we are the free, sovereign people who express their will through their self-elected representatives; if we demand something from parliament, then we are the rabble. The whole thing is called democracy".25
"We want to free Germany, nothing more. If the German people do not agree to be freed, then we don't give a damn about this agreement. A large part of the German people has already become so materialistic and so cowardly that it can only be made happy against its will and by force".26
"We want to call on the people to get rid of their tormentors, to break the chains in which the Jew has put us. Beyond the great death of a people, only struggle leads to true peace. It is not justice that is the eternal principle of nature, but strength. That is why we want to steel our people so that they can withstand the battle on this earth".27
That is why Joseph Goebbels asked the important question in his little "ABC of the National Socialist": "Why is the NSDAP anti-Jewish?" and answered: "Because the Jew is a corrosive foreign body in the German people, because he poisons the German people's morality with his lying "cultural institutes", because he tears down instead of building up, because he is the father of the idea of class struggle (see: lying Marxism! ), through which he tears the German people in two in order to be able to dominate it all the more brutally, because he is the creator and bearer of international stock market capitalism, the main enemy of German freedom".28
Hitler recognized this corrosive danger, which emanated from the Jews and sought to infiltrate bourgeois circles, in the years when he was in Vienna.29
However, Hitler saw the main danger in Marxism. "The Jew Karl Marx had invented the ingenious theory that the social question could only be solved by a new economic order, by a collectively planned economy with nationalized means of production, and that the only way to achieve this was through increased industrialism and, as a consequence, high capitalism and, on the part of the wage labourers, through class struggle".29
"The dictatorship of the proletariat, however, made it possible to establish direct Jewish rule. This presupposed the elimination of a species-appropriate ruling class, and this, in turn, was only possible by either making it dissolve itself or by eliminating it with brutal force. The former path was initially the less dangerous. All that was needed was to dominate the customs, art, literature, theater and press and, with the help of this domination, to develop that liberalistic attitude of mind which increased the general need for pleasure and prevented the self-destruction of the species-appropriate ruling class of the host people through abortion and contraception. This path was taken in Western and Central Europe and America, where the Germanic racial power was still strongest and most resistant. In Eastern Europe, on the other hand, the straight path was taken by murdering and destroying a highly racialized ruling class in the most brutal way in alliance with incited lower-race masses".30
At a later point, Goebbels logically posed the question: "Who is the main enemy of this cultural renewal of Germany? "31 and answered: "Jewry, which systematically poisons the German spirit by filling cultural institutions, such as the press, theater, science, literature, with a lying spirit".31
"And how does the NSDAP intend to bring down this bitter enemy? By demanding the elimination of the Jew from all German cultural institutions. The Jew cannot and must not be the bearer of German education and the German spirit".31
Unfortunately, this is once again the case in Germany today. All important, higher positions in all cultural areas are occupied by these parasitic existences.
As I said, National Socialism itself was an idea that grew organically out of necessity. It arose from a threat to German life "in its highest culmination, that is, in the Greater German nation, a threat that announced itself in the collapse of all the essential expressions of its existence, culture, politics, economy and state, and then the gift of grace from a divine providence that sent a genius and hero who summarized all the decisive individual insights of the laws of life from this collapse, and then gave a unified direction to the will of like-minded and like-thinking people in a great popular movement, and now set about transferring this direction to the entire nation".32
It was never the intention to allow this National Socialism to exist forever. Rather, with the achievement of freedom for the German people, the National Socialist dictatorship was to be replaced. By what? Goebbels replied: "By a professional parliament, to be elected by the entire creative German people, stratified not by party groups but by professions. "33
It should also be noted that the intellectual forerunners and spiritual fathers of National Socialism were in particular Richard Wagner, Count Gobineau, Houston Stewart Chamberlain and Gottfried Feder.
Richard Wagner recognized "Judaism from experience and from the instinct of the great popular soul as the antagonist of German art and launched a gigantic battle against it".34
He was seconded by the Norman count and French diplomat Gobineau. He grasped "with great intuition the history and fate of Western culture as a struggle between the Aryan, i.e. Nordic, race and the darker Mediterranean races and, above all, international Jewry, a selection of parasitic elements of predominantly Near Eastern and Oriental origin".35
"In his Fundamentals of the 19th Century, Houston Stewart Chamberlain, the great German by choice and herald of Richard Wagner, points to the Jewish race and the Jewish spirit as the corrosive element in the recent development of Western culture and the danger of the replacement of ethnic culture by international, race-destroying civilization, which exhausts itself in technology and science".36
"In terms of economic policy, Gottfried Feder exerted the greatest influence on Hitler when, in 1919, he made him realize in training courses for members of the Armed Forces (Wehrmacht) the economic world power of Jewry, which it had established via creative labor with the help of interest bondage for a loan and stock market capital controlled by it".37
When the victory march of the National Socialist movement, i.e. the "Hitler coup (Putsch)", also known as the Hitler-Ludendorff coup (Putsch) or the March on the Feldherrnhalle, "collapsed under the machine-gun fire of a treacherous reaction at the Feldherrnhalle in Munich" on November 8 and 9, 1923, the "fate of the German people ... seemed to end with the Führer's imprisonment at Landsberg Fortress and his elimination from German political life. However, salvation gradually grew out of the adversity. The imprisonment did not break the Führer's strength, nor did it destroy new possibilities for rebuilding the movement. Indeed, it was to be revitalized at unspeakable sacrifice thanks to a particular benefit of the two-year imprisonment. Hitler wrote the basis, one might almost say the bible of National Socialism, "Mein Kampf" in Landsberg".38
Finally, the name of Alfred Rosenberg, the later leading ideologue of the NSDAP, should not be missing from the overview of the "intellectual pioneers" of National Socialism. "There is no doubt that, after Adolf Hitler, he proved to be the most universal and most profound thinker with regard to the programmatic side of the movement. Alfred Rosenberg has the most astonishing specialized knowledge of Judaism, its forces and its work in world politics and the world economy and in the cultural field. His "Myth of the 20th Century" has ... become a standard work of National Socialist cultural and state philosophy".39
Rosenberg, whose name may seem Jewish, but who, genealogically speaking, was a non-Jew through and through, also uncovered the Jewish-Masonic world conspiracy.
"A formal uprising of the Jews, political ultramontanism, Marxists, Freemasons, liberalists and Protestant orthodoxy against Rosenberg's profound work was almost inevitable given his political and public position".40
Sources:
1 Karl Zimmermann, Die geistigen Grundlagen des Nationalsozialismus, Verlag von Quelle und Meyer, Leipzig 1933, S. 5-6
2 Joseph Goebbels, Wesen und Gestalt des Nationalsozialismus; in: Paul Meier-Benneckstein (Hrsg.), Schriften der Deutschen Hochschule für Politik, Heft 8, Berlin 1934
3 Karl Zimmermann, Die geistigen Grundlagen des Nationalsozialismus, Verlag von Quelle und Meyer, Leipzig 1933, S. 26
4 Otto Dietrich, Die philosophischen Grundlagen Nationalsozialismus. Ein Ruf zu den Waffen deutschen Geistes, Ferdinand Hirt, Breslau 1935, S. 16-17
5 Otto Dietrich, Die philosophischen Grundlagen Nationalsozialismus. Ein Ruf zu den Waffen deutschen Geistes, Ferdinand Hirt, Breslau 1935, S. 17
6 Otto Dietrich, Die philosophischen Grundlagen Nationalsozialismus. Ein Ruf zu den Waffen deutschen Geistes, Ferdinand Hirt, Breslau 1935, S. 23
7 Otto Dietrich, Die philosophischen Grundlagen Nationalsozialismus. Ein Ruf zu den Waffen deutschen Geistes, Ferdinand Hirt, Breslau 1935, S. 24
8 Otto Dietrich, Die philosophischen Grundlagen Nationalsozialismus. Ein Ruf zu den Waffen deutschen Geistes, Ferdinand Hirt, Breslau 1935, S. 25
9 Joseph Goebbels, Das kleine ABC des Nationalsozialisten; in: Der Angriff, Verlag der Nationalsozialistischen Briefe (56.-65. Tausend), Gebrüder Uphoff, Elberfeld 1925, S. 4
See also: The little ABC of National Socialists. An English translation.
10 Joseph Goebbels, Das kleine ABC des Nationalsozialisten; in: Der Angriff, Verlag der Nationalsozialistischen Briefe (56.-65. Tausend), Gebrüder Uphoff, Elberfeld 1925, S. 3
See also: The little ABC of National Socialists. An English translation.
11 Karl Zimmermann, Die geistigen Grundlagen des Nationalsozialismus, Verlag von Quelle und Meyer, Leipzig 1933, S. 33-34
12 Otto Dietrich, Die philosophischen Grundlagen Nationalsozialismus. Ein Ruf zu den Waffen deutschen Geistes, Ferdinand Hirt, Breslau 1935, S. 28
13 Otto Dietrich, Die philosophischen Grundlagen Nationalsozialismus. Ein Ruf zu den Waffen deutschen Geistes, Ferdinand Hirt, Breslau 1935, S. 29
14 Otto Dietrich, Die philosophischen Grundlagen Nationalsozialismus. Ein Ruf zu den Waffen deutschen Geistes, Ferdinand Hirt, Breslau 1935, S. 30
15 Karl Zimmermann, Die geistigen Grundlagen des Nationalsozialismus, Verlag von Quelle und Meyer, Leipzig 1933, S. 26
16 Karl Zimmermann, Die geistigen Grundlagen des Nationalsozialismus, Verlag von Quelle und Meyer, Leipzig 1933, S. 20-21
17 Otto Dietrich, Die philosophischen Grundlagen Nationalsozialismus. Ein Ruf zu den Waffen deutschen Geistes, Ferdinand Hirt, Breslau 1935, S. 36
18 Otto Dietrich, Die philosophischen Grundlagen Nationalsozialismus. Ein Ruf zu den Waffen deutschen Geistes, Ferdinand Hirt, Breslau 1935, S. 37
19 Otto Dietrich, Die philosophischen Grundlagen Nationalsozialismus. Ein Ruf zu den Waffen deutschen Geistes, Ferdinand Hirt, Breslau 1935, S. 37-38
20 Franz Griese, Der große Irrtum des Christentums. Erwiesen durch einen Priester, Ludendorffs Verlag GmbH, München 1937, S. 4
21 Franz Griese, Der große Irrtum des Christentums. Erwiesen durch einen Priester, Ludendorffs Verlag GmbH, München 1937, S. 5
22 Franz Griese, Der große Irrtum des Christentums. Erwiesen durch einen Priester, Ludendorffs Verlag GmbH, München 1937, S. 10
23 Josef Goebbels, Der Nazi-Sozi, Fragen und Antworten für den Nationalsozialisten, Verlag der nationalsozialistischen Briefe (11.-20. Tausend), Gebrüder Uphoff, Elberfeld 1932, S. 7
24 Josef Goebbels, Der Nazi-Sozi, Fragen und Antworten für den Nationalsozialisten, Verlag der nationalsozialistischen Briefe (11.-20. Tausend), Gebrüder Uphoff, Elberfeld 1932, S. 9
25 Josef Goebbels, Der Nazi-Sozi, Fragen und Antworten für den Nationalsozialisten, Verlag der nationalsozialistischen Briefe (11.-20. Tausend), Gebrüder Uphoff, Elberfeld 1932, S. 16
26 Josef Goebbels, Der Nazi-Sozi, Fragen und Antworten für den Nationalsozialisten, Verlag der nationalsozialistischen Briefe (11.-20. Tausend), Gebrüder Uphoff, Elberfeld 1932, S. 17
27 Josef Goebbels, Der Nazi-Sozi, Fragen und Antworten für den Nationalsozialisten, Verlag der nationalsozialistischen Briefe (11.-20. Tausend), Gebrüder Uphoff, Elberfeld 1932, S. 21
28 Joseph Goebbels, Das kleine ABC des Nationalsozialisten; in: Der Angriff, Verlag der Nationalsozialistischen Briefe (56.-65. Tausend), Gebrüder Uphoff, Elberfeld 1925, S. 6
See also: The little ABC of National Socialists. An English translation.
29 Karl Zimmermann, Die geistigen Grundlagen des Nationalsozialismus, Verlag von Quelle und Meyer, Leipzig 1933, S. 8
30 Karl Zimmermann, Die geistigen Grundlagen des Nationalsozialismus, Verlag von Quelle und Meyer, Leipzig 1933, S. 9
31 Joseph Goebbels, Das kleine ABC des Nationalsozialisten; in: Der Angriff, Verlag der Nationalsozialistischen Briefe (56.-65. Tausend), Gebrüder Uphoff, Elberfeld 1925, S. 16
See also: The little ABC of National Socialists. An English translation.
32 Karl Zimmermann, Die geistigen Grundlagen des Nationalsozialismus, Verlag von Quelle und Meyer, Leipzig 1933, S. 5
33 Joseph Goebbels, Das kleine ABC des Nationalsozialisten; in: Der Angriff, Verlag der Nationalsozialistischen Briefe (56.-65. Tausend), Gebrüder Uphoff, Elberfeld 1925, S. 9
See also: The little ABC of National Socialists. An English translation.
34 Karl Zimmermann, Die geistigen Grundlagen des Nationalsozialismus, Verlag von Quelle und Meyer, Leipzig 1933, S. 10
35 Karl Zimmermann, Die geistigen Grundlagen des Nationalsozialismus, Verlag von Quelle und Meyer, Leipzig 1933, S. 10
36 Karl Zimmermann, Die geistigen Grundlagen des Nationalsozialismus, Verlag von Quelle und Meyer, Leipzig 1933, S. 11
37 Karl Zimmermann, Die geistigen Grundlagen des Nationalsozialismus, Verlag von Quelle und Meyer, Leipzig 1933, S. 13-14
38 Karl Zimmermann, Die geistigen Grundlagen des Nationalsozialismus, Verlag von Quelle und Meyer, Leipzig 1933, S. 15
39 Karl Zimmermann, Die geistigen Grundlagen des Nationalsozialismus, Verlag von Quelle und Meyer, Leipzig 1933, S. 18
40 Karl Zimmermann, Die geistigen Grundlagen des Nationalsozialismus, Verlag von Quelle und Meyer, Leipzig 1933, S. 19
Conclusion:
Just as the birth of National Socialism arose out of necessity, i.e. through an actual threat, essentially from the Jews, to consecrate an entire people to destruction, as an ideal and led to a community being born like the phoenix from the ashes, to use life and limb to stand up to and fist the Jewish brood, so we too are threatened by the Jew that our spirituality and thus our immortality are to be destroyed. Therefore, as spiritual Satanists, we should once again strive for the ideal of National Socialism and establish a spiritual fighting community against Judaism. May Father Satan and all his infernal demons provide us with all the means for this battle and support us where necessary.
Hail Satan!
Hail Lucifer!
Hail Wotan!