Bravera
Member
- Joined
- Oct 2, 2017
- Messages
- 672
I recently completed the Mein Kampf and began taking notes around the 70th Page.
It is important that we understand and implement strategies to develop our Spiritual Superiority.
It is important that we understand and implement strategies to develop our Spiritual Superiority.
The whole of education should be designed to occupy a boy's free time in
profitable cultivation of his body. He has no right during those years to loaf about
idly, and make disturbances in the streets and picture-houses, but after his day's
work is done, he ought to harden his young body, so that life may not find him
soft when he enters it. To prepare for this and to carry it out is the function of
youthful education, and not merely to pump in so-called knowledge. It must rid
itself of the notion that management of the body is the business of the individual
alone. No one should be free to transgress at the expense of posterity, that is, of
race.
In all things, the aim and method must be governed by the thought of preserving
our nation's health both in body and in soul. The right to personal freedom comes
second in importance to the duty of maintaining the race.
estimate the value of a religion, not so much in
connection with the faults inherent in it, but in relation to the advantages if a
substitute which may be manifestly better.
The greatest service performed by the army of the old Empire was that in an
epoch of general counting by majority of heads, it placed the heads above the
majority. Against the Jewish-Democratic idea of blind worship of majorities, the
army held aloft that of faith in personality; for it taught what the later period most
needed. In the sink of general softness and effeminacy there shot up in the ranks
of the army each year 350,000 young men in the pride of their strength, who in
two years' training forgot the softness of youth and acquired bodies strong as
steel. It was only by those two years of obedience that a young man learned to
command. One knew the trained soldier by his gait.
t this planet traveled
through the ether for millions of years devoid of humanity, and it can only do so
again if men forget that they owe their higher existence, not to the ideas of a mad
ideologue, but to understanding and ruthless application of age-old natural laws.
Just as individual genius
strives, under the spur of special inducements, to work out expression of itself in
practical ways, so, in the life of nations, actual application of the creative forces,
which are in them is not produced except at the call of certain definite
circumstances.
So long as he
continued to look on himself as the overlord, he not only maintained his mastery,
but he was also the upholder and fosterer of culture.
It is at times when ideals are threatening to disappear that we are able to
observe an immediate diminution of that strength which is the essence of the
community and a necessary condition of culture. Then selfishness becomes the
governing force in a nation, and in the hunt after happiness, the ties of order are
loosened and men fall straight to their destruction.
(about jews): With
untold cleverness, he intensifies the demand for social justice dormant in all men
of Aryan stock and so stamps the struggle for removal of social evils with a quite
definite character of universal world importance. He founds the doctrine of
Marxism.
By categorically denying the importance of personality, and so of the
nation and its racial significance, they destroy the elementary principles of all
human culture.
The loss of racial purity ruins the fortunes of a race forever; it continues to sink
lower and lower and its consequences can never be expelled again from the
body and mind.
For it is a remarkable fact of all great
reforms that they often have only one man as champion from the start, but
millions carry on the work. Their aim is frequently one, which has been desired in
secret by hundreds of thousands for centuries, until one arises to proclaim the
universal desire, and as its standard-bearer drives the old longing into victory in a
new idea.
The question of recovering our nation's political power is first and foremost one of
restoring our national desire for self-preservation
Thus, any idea of restoring German independence is inseparably bound up
with restoration of a determined spirit in our people.
the chief aim of the new movement must be
to awaken a sentiment of nationality in the masses. From the tactical standpoint,
a number of requirements arise out of this.
1. No social sacrifice is too great in order to win the masses over to the national
movement. But a movement whose aim is to recover the German worker for the
German nation must realize that economic sacrifices are not an essential factor
in it, so long as the maintenance and independence of the nation's economic life
are not menaced by them.
2. Nationalizing of the masses can never be effected by half-measures or by
mild expression of an 'objective standpoint,' but by determined and fanatical
concentration on the objective aimed at. The mass of the people do not consist of
professors or diplomats. A man who desires to win their adherence must know
the key that will unlock the door to their hearts. This is not objectivity – i.e.,
weakness – but determination and strength.
3. There can only be success in winning the soul of the people if, while we are
conducting the political struggle for our own aim, we also destroy those who
oppose it.
The masses are but a part of nature, and it is not in them to understand mutual
hand-shakings between men whose desires are nominally in direct opposition to
each other. What they wish to see is victory for the stronger and destruction of
the weaker.
4. Incorporation of a section of the nation, which has become a class as part of
the national whole, or simply of the State, is to be effected, not by debasing the
higher classes, but by raising the lower ones. But the class entrusted with this
process can never be the higher one, but the one which is fighting for the rights
of equality. The bourgeoisie of today are not incorporated in the State by any
help from the nobility, but by its own activity and under its own leadership
Those same trade unions, if led
in a fanatically national spirit with regard to politics and nationality, would convert
millions of workers into very valuable members of the nation
A movement, which would honestly restore the German worker to his own people
and rescue him from the madness of internationalism
Thus, the reservoir from which the young movement should draw its adherents
will be in the first place the body of workers. Its task will be to deliver them from
the folly of internationalism, free them from their social poverty, raise them out of
their cultural depression, and to convert them into a factor in the community,
which shall be solid, valuable, and filled with national feelings and aspirations.
. In a larger popular assemblage, the most
effective speaker is not he who appeals most to the educated section of his
audience, but he who captures the hearts of the crowd.
The objective of a movement of political reform is never attained by a labored
explanation, or by bringing influence to bear on the powers that be, but only by
seizing political power.
seizure of political power is the preliminary to the practical carrying-out of
reforms
Finally the movement does not consider it its duty to maintain or restore any
particular form of State in opposition to any other one, but rather to create those
fundamental principles, without which neither Republic nor Monarchy can exist in
permanency. Its mission is not to found a Monarchy or to establish a Republic,
but to create a Germanic State.
For the task of organization is to communicate a definite idea – which
always originates in the brain of one single man – to the general public, and also
to see its conversion from theory into reality.
For leadership not only will power is required, but also the capability from which
energy receives greater weight than from pure genius itself. A combination of the
three qualities is best of all.
The future of a movement is dependent on the fanaticism, the intolerance even,
with which its adherents defend it as the one right course and carry it through in
opposition to schemes of similar character.
The greatness of any active organization, which is the embodiment of an idea,
lies in the spirit of religious fanaticism and intolerance in which it attacks all
others, being fanatically convinced that it alone is right. If an idea is right in itself,
87
and, being armed with such weapons, wages warfare on this earth, it is
invincible, and persecution only increases its internal strength.
Any man who is not attacked, slandered, and calumniated in the Jewish press
is no true German, no true National Socialist. The best standard for the value of
his sentiments, the reality of his conviction and the strength of his will power is
the ferocity shown towards him by the enemies of our nation.
The movement should use every means to instill respect for personality; it should
bear in mind that all human value lies in personality, that every idea, every
accomplishment, is the result of one man's creative work, and that admiration for
greatness is not merely a thank offering paid to it, but also a bond uniting those
who are grateful to it. There is no substitute for personality.
Throughout the winter of 1919-20, our one struggle was to strengthen faith in the
conquering power of the young movement and swell it into the fanaticism, which
has power to remove mountains.
A man who knows of a matter, who recognizes some possible danger
and sees a remedy for it before his eyes, has the obligation laid upon him not to
work 'silently,' but to stand up publicly against the evil and work for its cure. If he
fails in this, he is a miserable weakling, forgetful of duty, who fails either from
cowardice or from laziness and incapacity.
planting in the hearts of its adherents, the noble conviction that it was not
merely supplying political life with a new election cry, but that it presented a new
view of the world.
His fatiguing
service in the people's cause leads him to sign his name, and in return for this
exhausting effort, daily repeated, he accepts a small honorarium as his well earned reward.
There is hardly anything as depressing as to watch all that goes on in
Parliament in its sober reality and to have to look on at that constantly repeated
betrayal.
Such intellectual soil is not likely to produce strength in the camp of the
bourgeoisie to fight the organized forces of Marxism.
They lack the great magnetic attraction to
which the masses only respond under the urgent impression of great and lofty
ideas and unquestioning faith combined with fanatical fighting courage.
But at a time when one side , fully armed with weapons a thousand times
criminal, attacks an existing order of things, the other side can only offer
resistance if it assumes a new form of faith – in our case political – and rejects a
weak and timid defensive attitude in favor of bold and ruthless attack.
For by mere sentiment,
mankind is as incapable of converting world-ideals and the demands which arise
out of them into realities as it is of winning freedom merely by a universal longing
for it. No, it is not until the ideal urge towards independence adopts a fighting
organization in the form of military force that the desires of a nation can be
converted into noble realization.
Any world-ideal, be it a thousand times right and highly profitable to mankind,
will still be without force for the life of a nation until its principles are made the
basis of a fighting movement, capable of maintaining itself as a party until action
is crowned by triumph and until its party dogmas become a new basic law of the
State.
For a
denial that there is a difference between races as regards their capacity for
building up culture is bound to extend that great error to judgments formed
concerning the personality of the individual. An assumption that all races are
equal as regards character will be followed by a similar way of considering
nations, and so on to individuals.
In this part of the world, human culture and civilization are inextricably bound up
with the presence of the Aryan element. If it died out or went under, the black veil
of a cultureless period would once again descend upon the globe.
To anyone who views the world through Nationalist eyes, any breach in the
existence of human civilization, effected by the destruction of the race, which
maintains it, would appear in the light of the most accursed of crimes. Whoever
dares lay his hand on the most noble image of the God is sinning against the
95
kindly Creator of that marvel and is lending a hand in his own expulsion from
Paradise.
Therefore, the Nationalist world-theory must have an instrument forged for it
that will offer a possibility of our defending it by force
The National
Socialist German Worker's Party undertakes to adapt the essential principles of a
universal national world-theory, and, having due regard to practical possibilities,
the times, and the supply of human material and its weaknesses, to formulate
from them a political creed which shall in time come to be the preliminary
condition for the final triumph of that world-theory when once such methods have
made possible a rigid organization of great masses of people.
The main principle that we must observe is that the State is not an end, but a
means. It is the foundation on which higher human culture is to rest, but it does
not originate it. It is rather the presence of a race endowed with capabilities for
civilization that is able to do this
Hence, the necessary condition for producing a
higher humanity is not the State, but the race that possesses the essential
qualities for it.
The chief aim to be pursued by a national State is conservation of the ancient
racial elements, which, by disseminated culture, create the beauty and dignity of
99
a higher humanity. We as Aryans can only picture to ourselves the State as the
living organism of a nationality which will not only ensure that the nationality shall
be maintained, but also, by continuing to nurture its intellectual and imaginative
capabilities, will lead it onto the highest freedom.
t the State's duty is merely to
make use of its organizing strength for the purpose of promoting the nation's free
development.
Germans are without the herd instinct, which appears when all are of one
blood, and protects nations against ruin, especially at moments when danger
threatens.
a living organism must be formed with the exclusive aim of serving a high
conception.
In its capacity as a State, the German Reich must gather all Germans to itself;
it must not only select out of the German nation only the best of the original racial
elements and conserve them, but must slowly and surely raise them to a position
of dominance.
The world's history is made by
minorities, which have incorporated in themselves the greater part of the nation's
willpower and determination.
But a foundation must be laid
of a natural, if slow, process of regeneration which shall gradually drive out the
racial poison,
It must put the race in the central position in the general life of the nation,
and see to its being kept pure. It must declare childhood to be the most precious
possession of the nation.
. It must declare unfit to beget children
anyone who is clearly diseased or has hereditary disabilities, and back up its
decision with action. It must also see that the fruitfulness of a healthy woman is
not blocked by the damnable régime of finance, which makes the blessing of
children into a curse for the parents.
it is proof of high nobility of feeling and humanity worthy of admiration if
a sickly but innocent man renounces having a child of his own and transfers his
love and tenderness to some poor strange infant, whose healthy nature gives
promise of becoming a strong member of a strong community
It is the duty of the State to turn the young scions of the race into worthy
instruments for increasing the race later on. With this in view the national State
must direct its educational work, in the first place, not so much towards pumping
in mere knowledge as towards cultivating thoroughly healthy bodies. After that
comes development of mental capability. Here again formation of character
comes first, especially encouragement of will-power and determination,
combined with teaching the joy of assuming responsibility, and last of all comes
schooling in pure knowledge.
The national State must act on the presumption that a man moderately
educated, but sound in body, firm in character, and filled with joyous selfconfidence and power of will, is of more value to the community, than a highly
educated weakling.
Cultivation of the body is, therefore, not an affair for the individual in the
national State, nor even a matter, which affects parents alone, being of secondor even third-rate interest to the community, but it is a requisite for maintenance
of the race, which the State is to defend and protect. The State must also
distribute its work of education that the young bodies are handled in earliest
childhood and receive the hardening necessary for later life. It must take
particular care that a generation of stay-at-homes is not produced.
There
should be no day on which a boy should not have at least an hour's corporal
training, both in the morning and afternoon, in games and gymnastics
This self-confidence
must be cultivated in the younger members of the nation form childhood
103
onwards. Their whole education and training must be directed towards giving
them a conviction that they are superior to others. Through bodily strength and
skill the youth must recover faith in the unconquerableness of his nation. For
what once led the German hosts to victory was the sum of the confidence that
each individual felt in himself and all felt in their leaders. It is the conviction that
freedom can once again be wrested by force
The army also is not there merely to teach a man how to march and stand at
attention, but it has to act as the final and highest school of national instruction.
The young recruit must, of course, learn the use of his weapon, but at the same
time, he must continue his training for his future life. In that school the boy shall
be transformed into a man; he shall not merely learn to obey, but shall be trained
with a view to commanding at some future time.
Trustworthiness, readiness for self-sacrifice, and silence are virtues that a great
nation needs, and training in them in our schools is more important than a lot of
the stuff that now fills the school curriculum.
Thus, the educational work of the national State must lay great stress on
formation of character side by side with cultivation of the body.
Just as the national State must in future pay full attention to cultivation of will
power and decision, it must implant in the hearts of the young from childhood
onwards joy in responsibility, and courage to own up to faults.
In the teaching of history, reduction of the matter to be taught must be
considered. For history is not studied merely to discover what happened, but in
order that it may give instruction for the future and continued existence of our
own nation. There should be no break away from the study of the antique. Rightly
conceived on broad lines, Roman history continues to be the best instruction, not
only for now, but also for all periods. It is the duty of a national State to see to it
that a history of the world is eventually written in which the question of race shall
occupy a predominant position.
The national State will
look upon science as a means for increasing national pride. Not only world
history, but also the history of civilization must be taught from this point of view.
An inventor should appear great, not merely as an inventor, but even more so as
a fellow-countryman. Admiration of any great deed must be combined with pride,
because the fortunate doer of it is a member of our own nation. We must extract
the greatest from the mass of great names in German history, and place them
before the youth in so impressive a fashion, that they may become the pillars of
an unshakable nationalist sentiment.
Not until a nation is sound in all
its parts, body and soul, can the joy of belonging to it rightly swell to that high
feeling which we call 'national pride.' But this high pride will only come to a man
who knows the greatness of his nation.
Here is another educative task for the national State. It is not its duty to confine
deciding influence in the hands of an existing class of society, but it is its duty to
draw the most competent brains forward out of the total mass of the nation and
promote them to place and dignity
It will be the duty of the national State in its educative capacity to see to it that
there is perpetual renewal of the intellectual class by fresh blood from below. It is
obligatory on the State to select with the utmost care, and exactitude from the
whole sum of its nationals a human material with obvious natural talent, and
apply it in the service of the community.
. The estimate of a man's
value must depend on the way in which he performs the task entrusted to him by
the community. For the labor of the individual is only the means, not the object, of
his existence. Rather must he continue to form and ennoble himself as a man,
but this can only be possible within the frame of the culture which he shares, and
which must always have its foundation in some State.
. But this does
not release us from the obligation to combat the faults which are known, to
abolish weaknesses and to strive for the ideal.
The labor of evolving pure theory, which is incapable of measurement, but which
is the necessary preliminary for all further material discovery, is again seen to be
114
the exclusive product of the individual.
A human community is only seen to be well organized if it furthers in every
possible way the work of these creative forces and employs them for the good of
the community. Organization must be the embodiment of the endeavor to place
the brains over the multitude, and to subjugate the multitude to the brains.
Thus, organization may not prevent the brains from emerging from the
multitude, but it must, on the contrary, by its own conscious action, make it in the
highest degree possible and facilitate it.
The hard fight for life above all things causes the brains to emerge
I may remind
my readers that the parliamentary principle of decision by majorities has not
always governed the human race; on the contrary, it only appears during quite
short periods of history, and those have always been periods of decadence in
nations and States.
A world-theory is intolerant, and is not content with being one party among a
number of other parties; is insists upon exclusive and persistent recognition of
itself and on an absolutely new conception of the whole of public life in
accordance with its views. Thus, it cannot tolerate continuance of a force
representing the former conditions.
A world-theory can never be victorious with its ideals, unless it unites in its ranks
the boldest and strongest elements of its age and nation and forms them into a
solid fighting organization
An army would not be much good if all of the fighting men were
generals, and a political movement would not be much good in defending a
world-theory, if it consisted merely of a collection of 'intellectuals.' No, it needs
the primitive fighting man as well. For there can be no internal discipline without
him.
By its very nature an organization cannot stand unless leaders of high intellect
are served by a large mass of men inspired by sentiment. It would be harder to
maintain discipline on a company of two hundred men, all equally gifted
intellectually, than in one containing one hundred and ninety less gifted, and ten
with higher intellects.
Much may be learned from the Roman Catholic Church. Though the body of its
doctrine clashes with exact science and research on many points –
unnecessarily in many respects – the Church is not prepared to sacrifice a single
syllable of its doctrines. It has realized very correctly that its power of resistance
depends, not on being more or less in harmony with the scientific events of the
moment – which are as a matter of fact always altering – but rather on clinging
firmly to dogmas, once laid down, which on the whole do express the character
of the faith.
Whenever I spoke, it was important to get a clear idea beforehand of the
probable form and character of the arguments we had to expect during the
discussion, and then to tear them to pieces in my own opening speech; the thing
was to mention all the possible arguments contra at once, and prove their
hollowness.
IT IS A THOUSAND TIMES MORE DIFFICULT TO OVERCOME THIS BARRIER OF
INSTINCTIVE REPULSION, SENTIMENTAL HATRED, AND NEGATIVE BIAS, THAN TO SET STRAIGHT
OPINIONS FOUNDED ON INCORRECT OR MISTAKEN KNOWLEDGE. IGNORANCE AND FALSE
CONCEPTIONS MAY BE REMOVED BY TEACHING
Fine oratory by a dominant apostolic character will be more
successful in the evening in inducing men, whose powers of resistance are by
that late house sensibly weakened in the natural course, than by men who are in
full possession of their energy of mind and volition.
The fellow
judged the speeches solely by the impression they made on his blasé intellect,
Whereas the great English demagogue had been able by their aid to produce an
immense effect on his audiences, and in the widest sense, on the whole of the
British lower classes. From this point of view, that Englishman's speeches were
most wonderful achievements, for they evinced amazing knowledge of the
mentality of the populace; their penetrative effect was decisive in the truest
sense
Lloyd George proved his equality, nay, his
immeasurable superiority to Bethmann-Hollweg by the fact that the form and the
expression of his speeches were such as to open the hearts of his people to him,
and to make them pay active obedience to his will. The very primitiveness of
those speeches, their form of expression and his choice of easily understood,
simple illustration, are proofs of that Englishman's towering political capacity.
' The desires, longings, and
indeed the strength of thousands are accumulated in the mind of each individual
present. A man who enters such a meeting in doubt and hesitation, leaves it
inwardly fortified; he has become a member of the community. The NationalSocialist Movement may never ignore this.
How often then did the eyes of my young men shine
in response when I explained to them the essentialness of their mission and
assured them without cease that all the wisdom of this earth is as nothing unless
served, covered, and protected by force, that the mild goddess of peace cannot
move unless accompanied by the god of war, and that ever great act of peace
must be protected and helped by force.
The natural State, therefore, will never be created by the unstable volition of a
nationalist union of organizations, but only by the adamantine will power of a
single movement, after that movement has won through, having defeated all
others.
Every nation may be divided into three classes: at one end the best men of the
nation, good in the sense of every virtue, and especially distinguished by their
courage and readiness for self-sacrifice; at the other end, the worst dregs of
humanity, bad in the sense that they are self-seeking and depraved. In the
middle between the two extremes lies the third class, the broad intermediate
stratum, in whom there is neither the spirit of heroism, nor of mean criminality
Consciousness and fulfillment of duty and obedience are not ends in themselves,
no more than that the State is an end in itself, but they should all be means for
making possible and ensuring the existence of a community, living a life
spiritually and physically similar.
What robbed Nationalist Germany of any
practical hope of shaping German development was the lack of determined
cooperation of ruthless force with political inspiration
The lack of a new and great idea is at all times a sign of a lack of a fighting force.
The conviction that there is a right to use weapons, even the most brutal, ever
goes hand in hand with fanatical belief that a new and revolutionizing order of
things must be victorious in the world.
A movement that fails to fight for such high ideals and aims will never fight to
the very last
e the Marxist victory was not
due to the superior genius of some outstanding individual leader, but to the
measureless incompetence and cowardice of the bourgeois world.
The two Christian Churches are looking upon this pollution and destruction of a
noble and unique existence, granted by God's grace to this earth, with indifferent
eyes. For the world's future, however, the importance of it all is not whether the
Protestants beat the Catholics, but rather whether the Aryan man holds his own
or dies out.
Thus, in speaking of the
States of the American Union, one cannot refer to them as having State
sovereignty, but as enjoying rights, or better, perhaps, privileges, determined and
guaranteed by the Constitution.
In Germany, however, the individual States were originally sovereign States,
and the Empire was formed out of them. But the formation of the Empire did not
take place by reason of the free will and equal cooperation of the individual
States, but because one State, Prussia, achieved hegemony over the others
A powerful national Reich, guarding and protecting the interests of its citizens
abroad in the widest sense, is able to offer liberty at home; then it need have no
anxiety for the solidity of the State. On the other hand, a powerful national
government may take responsibility for large incursions on the liberty of
individuals as well as of the State without risk of weakening the Empire idea, if
only each citizen recognizes that such measures are measures aimed at making
this nation great.
It is a fact that all the States in the world are moving in the direction f unification
of their domestic policy, and Germany will not be out of the running in this
respect.
Our standpoint has always to be that of high national policy, and must never be
narrow or particularistic. This last observation is necessary, lest our adherents
should come to imagine that we National Socialists would think of denying that
the Reich has a right to assume a higher sovereignty than that of the individual
States. There neither should, nor could be any question as to that right. Since for
us the State in itself is but a form, whereas the essential is that which it includes
– namely, the nation, the people – it is clear that everything else must be
subordinated to the nation's interests; and in particular, we cannot permit any
single State within the nation and the Reich (which represents the nation) to
enjoy independent political sovereignty as a State
r. All that tends to divisions in the nation's life must be
converted by the army into a uniting influence. It must lift each youth above the
narrow horizon of his own little country, and set him in his place within the
German nation. He must learn to look on the frontiers, not of his home, but of his
Fatherland; for it is those that he will have to protect one day. It is folly, therefore,
to allow the young German to stay in his home, but a good thing to show
Germany to him during the time of his military service
The doctrines of National Socialism are not meant to serve the political interests
of single States of the Confederation, but to lead the German nation. They must
determine the life of an entire nation, and shape it afresh; they must therefore
peremptorily claim the right to overstep boundaries, drawn according to political
developments that we have rejected
. For leadership means ability to move masses of men.
The talent for producing ideas has nothing in common with capacity for
leadership. But the union of theorist, organizer, and leader in one man is the
rarest phenomena on this earth; therein consists greatness.
The work which propaganda has to do is to continue to win adherents to the
idea, while the whole-hearted preoccupation of organization must be to make the
best of the adherents into active members of the party. There is no need for
propaganda to worry itself over the value of every single one of its scholars, as
regards efficiency, capacity, intellect, or character, whereas it is the task of
organization to carefully select out of the mass, any that may really conduce to
the triumph of the movement.
It is therefore essential, if only for purposes of self-preservation, that, as long
as it is maintaining its success, a movement shall stop adding to its membership,
and shall thenceforward exercise the greatest caution, and only after thorough
examination consider increasing its organization.
As controller of propaganda for the party, I was careful not merely to prepare the
ground for the future greatness of the movement, but I worked on very radical
principles, so that the best material was introduced into the organization. For the
more radical and exciting my propaganda was, the more it frightened away weak
and wavering characters, and prevented their penetrating into the inner kernel of
our organization. And this was all to the good.
Decisions by committee were replaced
by the principle of absolute responsibility. The chairman is responsible for entire
control of the movement.
The best way to dissolve committees that did nothing, or merely brewed up
unpractical recommendations was to set them to do some real work. It made one
laugh to see how the members would silently fade away, and suddenly were
nowhere to be found!
It
was owing to this honest and frank recognition of a man's real qualifications that
the movement captured the hearts of its employees more swiftly and surely than
had been the case ever before. Later on, they became and remained good
National Socialists, not in word alone, and they proved it by the solid, steady, and
conscientious work that they performed in the service of the new movement.
It is the greatest of errors to imagine that
possession of power by itself will allow any definite reorganization to be
accomplished, starting from nothing, without the help from a staff of men who
have been trained beforehand in the spirit of the enterprise. Here also, the
principle holds well that the spirit is always more important than the form, which
can be created very speedily.
In the hands of the National-Socialist trades union, the strike is not an instrument
for ruining the nation's production, but for increasing it and causing it to flow, by
fighting against all the faults, which by their unsocial character, hinder efficiency
in business and in the life of the entire nation.
The National-Socialist worker must be aware that the nation's prosperity means
material happiness to himself.
The national-Socialist employer must be aware that happiness and
contentment for his workers is an essential for the existence and development of
his own great business enterprise.
And indeed, the one essential preliminary
to a struggle for exterior freedom is removal of the causes of our collapse, and
the destruction of those who are profiting by it.
The essential and basic idea that is ever before us in considering this question is
that foreign policy is but a means to an end. But the end is exclusively
encouragement of our own nationality. No suggestion in foreign politics may be
prompted by any consideration other than the following: Will it help or injure our
nation now or in the future?
We have to consider, moreover, that the question of recovering territories, which
a nation and State have lost, is always, first and foremost, one of recovering
political power and independence for the mother country; also that in such a case
the interests of lost territories must be ruthlessly ignored as against that of
regaining the mother country's freedom. For the liberation of oppressed and cutoff splinters of a race or of the provinces of an Empire is not affected by reason
of any desire of the oppressed population, or of a protest by those who remain,
but by whatever means of power is still possessed by the remainder of the
Fatherland, which was once common to all.
It is not by flaming protests that oppressed lands are brought back into the
embrace of a common Reich, but by a sword ever ready to strike. It is the task of
the leaders of a nation, in their domestic policy, to forge that sword; in their
foreign policy, they must aim at the work of forging, and they must seek
comrades.
The trend of thought is Jewry is clear. It is to bolshevize Germany – that is, to
rot away German national intelligence – and so crush the forces of German labor
under the yolk of Jewish world-finance, as a preliminary to extending far and
wide the Jewish plan of conquering the world.
If the German nation is to stop the rot that threatens Europe, it must not fall into
the errors of the pre-War period and make enemies of the Creator and the rest of
the world, but it must ascertain who its most dangerous opponents are so as to
strike at them with all its concentrated force. If Germany acts thus, the coming
race will realize our great needs and anxieties, and admire our bitter
determination the more, when they see the brilliant success that will result from it.
The cry for a new war fleet, restoration of our colonies, etc., is obviously mere
empty talk, since it contains no idea of practical possibility; calm consideration
shows this at once. Those who protest, thus are exhausting themselves in
harmful demonstrations against the Creator and the rest of the world, and they
forget the first principle that is essential to all success: What thou doest, do
thoroughly.
This is where there is a mission for
the National Socialist movement. It must teach our people to pass over trifles and
look towards what is great, not to split up on account of side-issues, and never to
forget that the aim for which we have to fight today is the bare existence of our
nation, and the one enemy at whom we have to strike is ever the force which is
robbing us of that existence.
The National Socialist movement must see to it that, in our own country at
least, the deadly enemy is realized, and that the fight against him may be a torch
to illumine a less murky period for other nations as well, and may bring benefit to
Aryan humanity in its struggle for life.
The duty of a foreign policy of a national State, is to ensure the existence of the
race included in that State by keeping a natural and healthy proportion between
the numbers, and the increase of the nation, and the size and quality of the land
in which they dwell.
All of this must be remedied by the National Socialist movement, which must
attempt to remove the disproportion between our population and our area
e. It is the duty
of National Socialists to cling steadfastly to our aims in foreign policy, and these
are to assure the German nation the territory, which it is due on this earth. This
form of action is the only one that could justify bloodshed in the eyes of the
Creator and of future generations in Germany.
Therefore, just as our forefathers did not receive the land in which we live as a
present from Heaven, but had to fight with their lives for it, so in future, nothing
will grant us land and life for our nation, except the power of a victorious sword.
We shall of course come up against the spiteful yappings of enemies of our race
at home. We National Socialists must realize this, if we proclaim what our inward
conviction tells us is absolutely essential. We must harden ourselves to face
public opinion, driven crazy by Jewish cunning and exploiting our German lack of
thought. Today we are but a rock in the river; in a few years, Fate may erect us
as a dam, against which the general stream may be broken, only to flow forward
in the new bed.
Germany, once freed from the deadly enemies of her life and future, would
possess a force, which no world could ever against strangle. On the day when
Marxism is broken in Germany, its bonds are broken in good truth. For never in
our history have we been conquered by the forces of our enemies, but rather by
our own depravity, and by the enemy in our own camp.
. Nations do not achieve liberty by doing nothing, but by
sacrifice.
![The Alchemist7 [JG]](/data/avatars/s/1/1057.jpg?1704756197){kind=avatar}
